YINYIWEN

ZAIXIFANGZHENGZHISIXIANGSHIZHONG,JINGYINGZHUYI(elitism)ZHUYAOCHENGXIANLELIANGZHONGBUTONGDEXINGTAI,YIZHONGSHIGUDIANDELIXIANGJINGYINGZHUYI,LINGYIZHONGSHI20SHIJIDEXIANSHIJINGYINGZHUYI。SUIRANZHEILIANGZHONGJINGYINGZHUYIDEJUTIQUANSHIYOUSUOBUTONG,DANQIXINGCHENGYUFAZHANDOUHEMINZHUZHENGZHICHUXIANDEWENTIMIQIEXIANGGUAN。GUDIANLIXIANGJINGYINGZHUYIDEJIECHUDAIBIAOSHIBOLATU,YADIANMINZHUCHUSILESUGELADI,SHITADUIMINZHUZHENGZHICHIYOUQIANGLIEDEHUAIYIPIPANTAIDU,YINERTICHULEFANMINZHUDE“LIXIANGGUO”。20SHIJIDEXIANSHIJINGYINGZHUYIYOUXUDUODAIBIAORENWU,ZAIMUDUXIFANGGUOJIASHIXINGMINZHUZHENGZHICHUXIANDEZHONGZHONGWENTIZHIHOU,TAMENZHENDUIZHEIXIEWENTIFAZHANCHUPIPANMINZHUDEXIANSHIJINGYINGZHUYILILUN。BUGUO,HEMINZHULILUNXIANGBI,ZHEIXIEPIPANMINZHUDEJINGYINGLILUNLIUXINGGUANGDUXIAO,CHIXUDESHIJIANYEJIAODUAN。JINRU21SHIJIHOU,MINZHUZHENGZHIYOUCHUXIANLEXUDUOWENTI,XIFANGJINGYINGZHUYISHIFOUHUIZAICIFAZHANCHUXINDELILUN?ZAIFEIXIFANGGUOJIA,ZHONGGUOCHUANTONGRUJIADE“XIANNENGZHENGZHI”YIJIKEJUKAOSHIZHIDU,YUJINGYINGZHUYIYOUZHETIANRANDELIANXI;XINJIAPODUTEDEXINQUANWEIZHUYIZHUZHANGJINGYINGZHIGUO,BINGQIEQUDELETUCHUDESHEHUIFAZHANCHENGGUO;ZHEIXIELILUNYUSHIJIANNENGFOUWEIJINGYINGZHUYITIGONGXINYUANSU?ZHONGGUOMUQIANJINXINGDEZHENGZHIGAIGEYOUKEYICONGJINGYINGZHUYIZHONGDEDAOSHENMEQISHI?BENWENJIANGSHOUXIANFENXILIXIANGJINGYINGZHUYIHEXIANSHIJINGYINGZHUYIDEBUTONGTEDIAN,JIERLUNSHUDANGDAIJINGYINGZHUYISHIJIANDECHENGGONGYUSHIBAI,ZUIHOUTANTAOJINGYINGZHUYIFAZHANCHENG“YOUZHUZHUYI”(XIANNENGZHENGZHI)DEKENENGXING,YIJIZHONGGUOZHENGGAIDEQIANJING。

柏拉图的理想精英主义

柏拉图生活的雅典是一个实行民主政治的城邦国家,当时雅典社会出现了许多问题,危险的蛊惑家很容易煽动大众,使公民做出不明智的决定。一个突出的例子就是雅典民主陪审团以不敬神明和腐蚀青年的罪名,判处了哲学家苏格拉底死刑。柏拉图因此对民主政治极为失望:“我深深地感到,现在各国的宪法非常糟糕⋯⋯必须推崇真正的哲学,唯有以这样的哲学为出发点,才可能形成关于公共和个人权利的正确观念,使哲学家获得政权,成为政治家,或者让政治家神迹般地成为哲学家,否则人类灾祸总是无法避免。” [1]

哲学家是柏拉图心目中的理想精英,应该掌握政权。在《理想国》中,他对这些精英有详细的描述:具有“护卫国家的智慧和能力”,“真正关心国家利益”,“愿意鞠躬尽瘁为国家利益效劳,而绝不做任何不利于国家的事情”。他把这些人称为国家的护卫者(guardian),强调这些精英需要具有节制、勇敢、大度、高尚等美德。理想的精英在能力和道德两方面都必须出类拔萃。柏拉图还阐述了培养和挑选精英的具体方法。认为对精英的培育要从儿童时代开始,包括体育及学业两方面的塑造。此外,他特别强调精英应学习辩证法,使人可以“通过辩证理性而非感官知觉”来理解现实的本质。[2]除此之外,精英还必须经受实践的锻炼,譬如担当军事指挥或其他公务,在经过了种种的学习和锻炼之后,精英们50岁时将接受最后的考验,以便能够选拔出最杰出的人才,成为管理国家的最高统治阶层。[3]侠客棋牌柏拉图描绘了理想的精英形象和理想的精英治理国家,他们不仅智慧能力出类拔萃,同时道德品质高尚卓绝,远远优于普通大众。

20世纪的现实精英主义

20SHIJIXIFANGCHUXIANLEYIDAPIJINGYINGZHUYILILUN, “JINGYING”(elite)YANBIANCHENGZAISHEHUIZHONGNENGGOUCHURENTOUDI、ZHANJUQUANLIGAODUANDERENWU,DANZHEIBINGBUBIAOSHITAMENZAIDAODEFANGMIANYESHIJUEDUIYOUXIUDE。ZHEIXIEJINGYINGZHUYILILUNPIPANMINZHUZHUYI,ZHICHUSUOWEI“MINZHUGUOJIASHIXINGRENMINTONGZHI”ZHISHIMINZHUZHUYIZIXUDELIXIANG,KEGUANXIANSHISHIYIXIAOCUOJINGYINGKONGZHIZHEMINZHUGUOJIADEZHENGFU。ZAI20SHIJIDEOUZHOUHEBEIMEI,MINZHUDAIYIZHIZHENGFUYIZAIBUSHAOGUOJIAFUZHUSHIJIAN,JIXUEZHETIGONGLESHIZHENGGUANCHADEJIHUI。ZHEIXIEJINGYINGZHUYIZHEZHENGSHIZAIGUANCHALEMINZHUDAIYIZHIZHENGFUDESHIJIYUNZUOZHIHOU,DECHUTAMENDEJIELUN,PIBOZIYOUMINZHUZHUYIDEWUTUOBANG。

侠客棋牌ZAOQIZUIYOUYINGXIANGDEJIWEIJINGYINGZHUYIZHUMINGXUEZHESHIMOSIKA(Mosca)、PALEITUO(Pareto)、MIXIEERSI(Michels)DENGREN。MOSIKAZAI《TONGZHIJIEJI》YISHUZHONGJIANYANLECONGGUZHIJINDERENLEISHEHUI,FAXIANZHEIXIESHEHUIDOUSHIYOUSHAOSHUJINGYINGTONGZHIZHEDUOSHUDAZHONG,LIANGONGYEHUADEMINZHUSHEHUIYEBULIWAI,QUDAILEJUNZHUZHUANZHIZHENGTIDEDAIYIZHIZHENGFUBINGMEIYOUZHENZHENGDAIBIAORENMIN,ERSHIYANXUZHEJINGYINGTONGZHI。PALEITUOYECHIYOUZHEIZHONGGUANDIAN,TACONG“RENJUYOUGENBENDEBUPINGDENGXING”ZHEIGEXINLIXUEQIANTIZHANKAILUNZHENG,RENWEIZHANGKONGLINGDAOQUANXUYAOJUBEIMOUXIEXINLISUZHI,QIZHONGZUIZHONGYAODESHI“YONGGAN”HE“JIAOHUA”,ZHEIYANGDERENBIJIAORONGYIJUEQUHEZHANGWOLINGDAOQUAN,CHENGWEIKONGZHIGUOJIADEJINGYING。MINZHUZHUYIDEQIANTISHI“RENRENPINGDENG”,DANZHEISHIBUXIANSHIDE,ERQIEPUTONGRENJINGCHANGSHIFEILIXINGDE,ZHEISHIDEZIWOFUZEDEMINZHUZHILIZHENGFUHENNANSHIXIAN。YINCI,LINGDAOQUANJIUYIZHIZAIJINGYINGMENDESHOUZHONGCHUANDIJIAOJIE,MINZHUXUANJUYEBUNENGGAIBIANZHEIZHONGZHUANGKUANG。

20世纪的精英主义不仅批判自由民主主义,同时还批判马克思主义和社会主义,认为马克思主义所主张的,通过社会主义革命达到一个无阶级的社会,终结少数人主宰的状况并最终消灭国家机器,是一个乌托邦神话。米歇尔斯在《政治政党》一书中尖刻地讥讽:“社会主义者也许可以得胜,但却得不到社会主义,就在社会主义的门徒们获得胜利的那一瞬间,社会主义便枯竭消亡了。”[4]米歇尔斯的结论,一方面基于他对20世纪初的欧洲社会主义政党的大量调研,另一方面则源自他的“寡头铁律”理论。他指出,任何政党都不可避免会成为精英寡头控制的组织,政党的普通成员只能成为被领导者,不能对政党活动产生重要影响。在推断这条铁律时,米歇尔斯使用了大众心理学(crowd psychology)的一些观念。他强调,大众没有心理能力来处理复杂的决策,他们是冷漠而盲从的,需要精英来激励他们摆脱冷漠,并由领导者来组织他们。而由于精英往往具有高于普通人的能力,大众很容易对其产生心理依赖和盲信。此外,庞大组织的运营需要复杂的专业能力和管理技术,只有精英能够掌握这些能力和技术,于是组织的管理领导层由精英们占据,并在组织内形成一个特殊的阶层。即使某些精英在组织产生之初具有社会主义的平等理想,但在后来都无法避免发生演变。这是米歇尔斯在观察政党活动的现实中得到的实证性结论,他看到政党组织中的精英们都变得脱离大众,以自己个人的利益取向为重,成为操纵组织的寡头。“寡头铁律”的理论一则强调人类心理的冷漠盲从而导致大众听命于领导;二则强调组织有效运作需要精英的管理领导,为寡头领导组织提供了逻辑支撑。此外,“寡头铁律”还搜集了大量欧洲社会主义政党的资料,给铁律构建了实证基础。

侠客棋牌20SHIJIZHONGYE,XIONGBITE(Schumpeter)FABIAOLE《ZIBENZHUYI、SHEHUIZHUYIYUMINZHU》,TIGONGLEYIGEXINSHIJIAOLAIPINGJIAMINZHUZHUYI。YU20SHIJIZAOQIDEJINGYINGZHUYIZHEXIANGSI,XIONGBITERENWEIMINZHUDAIYIZHIZHENGFUBINGBUDAIBIAOZHERENMINDAZHONGDEYIZHIHELIYI,YINWEIDAZHONGBUJUBEIZHUANYENENGLIHEXIANGGUANXINXILAIFENXICHULISHEHUIWENTI,QIEJUYOU“YANGQUNXIAOYING”,HENRONGYIBEIZHENGKEQIANZHEBIZIZOU,SHITAMENSHUNCONGJIDINGDEZHENGCE。DANXIONGBITEQIANGDIAOJINGYINGDEDUOYUANXING,ERFEIBA“JINGYING”SHIWEIYIGE“YIYUANDE”TONGZHIJIEJI,ZHIZHENGJINGYINGZHISHIDUOYUANJINGYINGZHONGDEMOUYIYUAN,HUOZHEMOUSHUYUAN,TONGGUOMINZHUJINGXUANDEPINGTAIHUODEZHIZHENGDIWEI。MINZHUZHISUIRANMEIYOUJIDUOYUANDEDAZHONGTIGONGTONGDAOLAIXUANCHUDAIBIAODAZHONGDERENWU,DANQUEJIDUOYUANDEJINGYINGMENTIGONGLETONGGUOJINGXUANSHANGTAIZHIZHENGDEPINGTAI。

ZAI20SHIJI,MEIGUODEJINGYINGZHUYIXUEZHE,TAMENBIAOXIANDEBIOUZHOUXUEZHEGENGWEIJIJIN,PIRUHENGTE(Hunter)YUMIERSI(Mills)。HENGTEDEYANJIUZHUYAOJIZHONGYUCHENGSHIDESHEQUQUANLIJIEGOU,TASHIYONG“MINGSHENGFANGFA”(reputation method)LAIFENXIYATELANDADESHIZHENGJUECE,RENWEICHENGSHISHEQUQUANLIDEDINGFENGYOUYIXIAOCUOSHANGJIEHESHEHUIJINGYINGZHANJU,TAMENSUIRANBUSHIZHENGSHIQUANLIJIGOUDEGONGKAICHENGYUAN,DANTAMENJUEDINGLECHENGSHIDEGEXIANGZHENGCE。MIERSIDEYANJIUZEGENGCEZHONGZAIGUOJIAHEZONGTONGDECENGMIAN,TICHULE“QUANLIJINGYING”DEGAINIAN。TAZHICHUZAIZONGTONGZHOUWEIYOUYIXIAOCUOLAIZISHANGJIE、JUNJIE、ZHENGJIEDEJINGYINGRENWU,SHIHEXINDEQUANLIJINGYING,KONGZHILEZUIGUANJIANDEJUECE。QITAJIAOWEICIYAODEJUECE,ZEYOUQUANLIDEZHONGJIANSHUIPINGCENGCIZUOCHU,PIRUGUOHUI、ZHOUZHENGFUDENGDENG。PUTONGDAZHONGSHIMEIYOUQUANLIDE,SHISHOUSHANGCENGJINGYINGKONGZHIDE。GUANYU“MINZHUZHIBINGBUSHIRENMINZHANGQUAN,ERSHIJINGYINGZHANGQUAN”DEWENTI,SUIRANJIJINHEFEIJIJINDEJINGYINGZHUYIDOUCHENGRENZHEIZHONGXIANXIANGDECUNZAI,DANQUEYOUBUTONGDEJIESHI。FEIJIJINDEJINGYINGZHUYIZHERENWEI“MINZHUZHIYOURENMINZHANGQUAN”ZHISHIZIYOUMINZHUZHUYIZHEDEWUTUOBANGHUANXIANG;ERJIJINJINGYINGZHUYIZHEZERENWEIZHEISHIYOUYIDEQIPIAN,QIMUDESHIWEILEYANSHIMINZHUZHIZHONGJINGYINGZHANGQUANDEZHENXIANG,SHIDAZHONGXIANGXINMINZHUZHENGFUSHIYOURENMINKONGZHIDE。

侠客棋牌WULUNJIJINHAISHIFEIJIJIN,20SHIJIDEJINGYINGZHUYIDOUYUBOLATUCUNZAIHENDABUTONG。SHOUXIAN,ZAI20SHIJIDEJINGYINGZHUYIZHONG,JINGYINGZAIDAODEPINZHIFANGMIANDEYOUXIUXINGYIJINGBUCUNZAILE,ZHIYUZAIZHIHUINENGLIFANGMIANDEYOUXIU,BUTONGDEJINGYINGZHUYIZHEYOUBUTONGDEPINGJIA。YINCI,ZAIBOLATUDELILUNYUJINGZHONGBAOYIDEJINGYING,ZAI20SHIJIDEJINGYINGZHUYIYUJINGZHONGYIJINGTUIBIAN,“JINGYING”YOUSHISHIZHONGXINGDECIHUI,YOUSHIZEBIANCHENGLEBIANYICI。QICI,BOLATURENWEIJINGYINGZHUYIGUOJIAYOUYUMINZHUZHUYIGUOJIA,DANZAI20SHIJI,HENDUOJINGYINGZHUYIZHEZERENWEISUOWEIDEMINZHUZHUYIGUOJIAQISHIJIUSHIJINGYINGZHUYIGUOJIA,MINZHUZHUYIZHISHIWUTUOBANG,MINZHUZHENGTISHIQIPIANDEYANSHI。DISAN,XIANGJIAOYUBOLATU,20SHIJIDEJINGYINGZHUYIGUOJIASHIXIANSHICUNZAIDE,QIXIANGGUANLUNSHUYOUDALIANGDESHIZHENGZHICHENG,LILUNJIAMENBUBAJINGYINGZHUYITUICHONGWEI“LIXIANGGUO”,ERSHISHISHANGQIJINGYINGZHUYIGUOJIAYEQUESHIBINGBULIXIANG。

类精英主义的理论与实践

在1950〜1960年代,出现了一种可称为“类精英主义”的思潮,以民主主义为最终目标,但在达至民主之前,可以用一种类精英的体制来实行过渡。这种思潮主要针对的是发展中国家的现实,第二次世界大战之后,许多独立的前殖民地国家面临着国家整合的严酷问题,在殖民统治时期,殖民政府往往把不同的族群强制统一成一个国家,在新国家独立之后,其中不同的族群产生了“各自独立”的要求,对新国家没有共同的认同感。但在这些国家中,往往有一个组织良好的精英集团——军队,不少国家的军队在国家整合、社会发展方面起了很大的作用。因而类精英主义思潮认为,由于军队成员通常是由全国招募的,较少族群认同意识,较多国家认同观念,而且军队具有训练素质良好、组织性强、凝聚力大的优势,因而可以成为维持社会政治稳定的可靠力量。所以,在有治理能力的文官民主政府产生之前,可以实行军人精英政府统治。保克(Pauker)在研究了东南亚新独立国家的状况之后,主张应该“利用国家军队的组织力和军官的领导力潜能,使其成为国家整合的暂时核心”。[5]研究拉丁美洲国家的约翰逊(Johnson)也认同:“在负责任的公民服务产生之前,具有凝聚性的军队将比其它任何团体更能够胜任来执行国家政策⋯⋯他们将是秩序和安全的堡垒,能够避免社会堕入无政府状态。” [6]

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新加坡对精英的定义,一是“行业精英”,二是“具有社会责任感”。这和柏拉图的精英概念很相似。新加坡还切实构建了一套制度和措施,用更现实、更现代的方法来实现精英主义的理想。人民行动党非常重视吸纳精英进入党内,并且使用了“猎头”这样的现代商业概念,譬如李光耀特别指示过:在新加坡的奖学金制度中表现优秀的人,党要去“识别”和“猎头”。[7]为了招募高质量的女性,人民行动党设法让新加坡三所大学里杰出的本科女生去参加人民行动党的活动,并给她们提供机会加入商界领袖的人脉圈子。[8]在“猎头”过程中,人民行动党一旦相中某个优秀人才,就会锲而不舍地约其“茶叙”,想方设法将其纳入旗下。在优良人才进入党内之后,人民行动党还安排了保持优秀、继续优化的措施。尤为值得一提的是防腐反贪制度,精英在道德方面的堕落,往往会比其在专业能力方面的下降更为快速,而且会引起更多的社会不满,使精英主义难以可持续。人民行动党的防腐反贪制度取得了相当成功的结果,使新加坡成为世界上最廉洁的国家之一。[9]新加坡的精英主义已经可持续了半个世纪,其经济发展成果不仅优于很多新兴的民主国家,而且优于很多发达的民主国家。如2013年新加坡的人均GDP是其前宗主国英国的140%,以购买力平价(PPP)来衡量,甚至已是英国的200%以上。 [10]

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从精英主义到优主主义

进入21世纪前后,全球许多国家的民主政治出现问题,激起人们对民主之外国家治理方法的思考,可持续发展的精英主义的成功案例吸引了很多探索者的兴趣。比较新加坡的成功案例与20世纪早期著名学者定义的精英主义,可以看到一个显著的差异,新加坡强调了精英在能力和道德两个方面的优秀性,而后者的定义强调的则是精英有能力占据高端位置,精英甚至可以是“狡猾”的,是操纵组织的自私寡头。为了避免20世纪早期精英主义定义引起的歧义,笔者采用“优主主义”(贤能政治)来描述新加坡类型的精英主义。优主主义是“优者主政”,优者明确地定义为在能力和道德方面优于普通大众的人士。[11]

ZAIMINZHUYIBEISHIWEI“PUSHIJIAZHI”DE21SHIJIYUJINGZHONG,YOUZHUZHUYIDETUIGUANGSHIXINGSHIXUYAOZHENGDE“HEFAXING”DE。QILILUNLUOJISHANGDEHEFAXINGKEYIJIANLIZAIDUIMINZHUZHUYIQUZHONGHUAWENTIDEPIPANSHANG,MINZHUXUANJUDECHENGXUSHIZUNXUN“DUOSHUZHI”GUIZE,DUOSHURENDENENGLISHUIPINGQUXIANGYUZHONGDENG,TAMENXUANZEZHICHIDEZHENGCEYEQUXIANGYUZHONGDENGSHUIPING,ERYOUZHEXIANGJIAOERYANKEZUOCHUGENGGAOMINGDEJUECE,YINCIYOUZHUTIZHIJIANGJUYOUYOUYUEXING。QISHIJIANCAOZUOFANGMIANDEHEFAXINGZEXUYAOJIANLIZAIJUTIDEYUANZEXINGGUIZEFANGMIAN,GUANJIANSHIGOUJIANYOUZHUJITUAN,QUEBAONENGLIHEDAODESHUIZHUNGAODEYOUZHENENGGOUZHUZHENG。CANKAOXINJIAPOYIJIQITAGUOJIADEANLI,KEYIKANDAOYAOXIANGGOUJIANYOUZHENZHENGDEYOUXIANJINGYINGZUCHENGDEYOUZHUJITUAN,YOUJITIAOBIYAOYUANZE,DIYI,YOUZHUJITUANDAMENBIXUSHIKAIFANGDE,BUSHEZHIZUYI、JIEJI、ZONGJIAO、XINGBIEDENGDENGDEPAICHIMENJIAN。DIER,BIXUSHELI“ZEYOU”DEMENJIAN,YINENGLIHEDAODESHUIPINGWEIQUXIANG,WEIXIANNENGYOUZHECAIKEJINRU。DISAN,YOUZHUJITUANNEIBUYOUJIXUZIWOYOUHUADEJIZHI,FANGZHIFUBAITUIHUA。DISI,YOUZHUJITUANNEIBUDEZUZHIJIEGOUYOUQUGAOHUAJIZHI,SHIXIANNENGSHUIPINGYUEGAODEREN,YUENENGCHUYUGAODELINGDAODIWEI。DIWU,YOUXIANJINGYINGBIXUHEJITUANWAIDEFEIJINGYINGBAOCHIMIQIELIANXI,YOUZHEYAO“ZOUXIAQU”LEJIEPUTONGDAZHONG。

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中国的政治改革与优主主义

NEIMEZHENGZAIJINXINGGAIGETANSUODEZHONGGUOZHENGGAIYOUMEIYOUKENENGZOUYOUZHUZHUYIDEDAOLU?

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(ZUOZHEXINIUJINDAXUESHEHUIWENHUARENLEIXUEBOSHI,ZAISHIJIEYINXINGDENGGUOJIJIGOUCONGSHIZIXUNGONGZUO)

注释:                                                                                          

[1] The Republic of Plato,Translated with introduction and notes by Francis MacDonald Cornford, Oxford University Press,p.xxv。

[2] The Republic of Plato,Translated with introduction and notes by Francis MacDonald Cornford, Oxford University Press,1941,p.252。

[3] The Republic of Plato,Translated with introduction and notes by Francis MacDonald Cornford, Oxford University Press,1941,pp.261〜262。

[4] R. Michels, Political Parties,Dover Press,1959,p.391。

[5] Guy Pauker,“Southeast Asia as a Problem Area in the Next Decade”,World Politics, xi(1959).

[6]John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America,Stanford University Press,1964,p.261。

[7]Netina Tan,“Institutionalized Hegemonic Party Rule in Singapore”,In Erik Kuhonta and Allen Hicken(ed.), Party Institutionalization in Asia: Democracies, Autocracies and the Shadows of the Past,Cambridge University Press,2014。

[8]同注[7]。

[9]参阅透明国际的官方网站,http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2013/results/

[10]数据来源:世界银行、经合组织(OECD)。

[11]关于优主主义,在拙作《对自由、民主、市场的反思》一书中有全面详细的介绍论述。